Solutions, not PlatitudesReal Change From the World That Fails to the World That Works
By Sean Quigley • March 2008 • Volume VI Number V • Culture"Indeed, Gingrich’s chief virtue is precisely that he defies the image of stiffness and rigidity that has long been associated with the American incarnation of those who would be called conservatives."
Twenty-Seven Dollars and Ninety-Five Cents, 310 pp., Regnery Publishing, Inc.
Former Speaker Newt Gingrich’s latest book, Real Change: From the World That Fails to the World That Works, is a quick read with an enlightened approach to the countless problems which our nation faces in the present, and in the rapidly approaching future. More moderate Republicans have often admired his eminent practicality; in other words, he is not obsessively consumed by pursuing an ideological agenda. But, Gingrich still maintains a solid appeal to conservative Republicans, as his positions align comfortably with mainstream conservatism, and because he governed – as opposed to merely campaigned - as a conservative.
Real Change demonstrates both of these Gingrich assets – he takes mainstream conservative viewpoints, and brilliantly outlines how the Republican Party can reify these viewpoints into definable action. Indeed, Gingrich’s chief virtue is precisely that he defies the image of stiffness and rigidity that has long been associated with the American incarnation of those who would be called conservatives, while concurrently pushing for unmistakably conservative principles of governance.
A perfect illustration of this laudable tendency is contained within his discussion of how the United States can move forward in the realm of space-based technology. He writes:
[I]ncentives, combined with a federal regulatory regime for private space travel as permissive as the aviation development rules of the 1920s, would create an explosion of new ideas and new achievements over the next few years. Space could become exciting once again, and as more young people explored science and engineering, breakthroughs in other field would occur. (p. 190)
That is vintage Gingrich. Instead of being doctrinaire about government’s deficiencies, he comprehends and acknowledges that it will inevitably have to play a role. However, he argues that it should merely lay the proper infrastructure for human flourishing, so that the human spirit can be unleashed to achieve monumental things. Further, he is quick to identify the crucial role that the young must play in our collective future – why are not more conservatives willing to accept and glorify, as does Gingrich, the incredible innovation that the bold and intrepid youth can bring to our nation? For, who is better prepared to forget that certain things are impossible, and therefore to do them anyway?
Gingrich, with regard to sources of renewable energy, likewise has perspectives that are quite progressive (in the best sense of that word). Again, he writes:
[Green Conservatism] holds that biodiversity and the environment can be better protected by a system that encourages science, technology, entrepreneurship, creativity, and free markets than the Left’s system focused on big government, more bureaucrats, more red tape, more litigation, and higher taxes. (p. 193)
Gingrich feels genuine concern for the environment and our posterity, but does not resort to fearmongering tactics (ahem…Al Gore) or defer to rigid ideological stances. He wants change, but change that is in accordance with solid conservative, and American, principles of limited government, free enterprise, individual liberty, and voluntary exchange. He amalgamates the optimism of a naïve liberal with the sound approach of a realistic conservative.
Unlike the platitudinous, artificial, patently vague type of change offered by the modern-day liberal Messiah, Senator Barack Obama (D-IL), Gingrich’s change is real and has the potential to be endless. The reason is that Gingrich, in regard to the issues previously addressed (at the very least), seeks to unleash the entrepreneurial spirit so as to solve the problems of the day – he does not seek to decree change from Washington, funded by the taxpayers and implemented by 9am-5pm bureaucrats. He seeks to use self-interest to effect the change that our society, and especially our government, necessitates – he does not seek to demand unreasonable “virtue” from the populace in order to facilitate another failed experiment in statism. He knows, like Adam Smith before him, “It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker, that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own self-interest.”
Gingrich understands not only that conservatism’s greatest insight is that the family is superior to the State, and the individual more productive than the bureaucrat, but also that conservatism must be explained carefully and compassionately to a people who have the choice between a party offering them money and presents (the Democratic Party), and a party seeking to offer them the opportunity to have no limits if hard work and discipline are maintained (the Republican Party).
My one criticism of the book is that Gingrich relies far too heavily on the nebulous will of the people. That specific language he does not use, but he does repeatedly argue for the existence of a red-white-and-blue America (supposedly 85 percent of the country), as opposed to an evenly-divided red America and blue America. Perhaps my natural suspicion, as a conservative, of a popular vote is getting the better of me, but I am usually not convinced by arguments that start with the claim that most people agree with [insert argument here]. Like James Madison from Federalist 10, I am generally inclined to think, “Democracy is the most vile form of government.”
Yet I understand from where Gingrich is coming, and generally think that his strategy would be more successful than mine. With that said, I will end by simply acknowledging that he is a treasure for our cause and for our way of life.




(4.38 out of 5)

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